Of the secession talk & confronting the Republic’s realities

By Sitati Wasilwa

The Republic of Kenya, a sovereign state in the East African region, is a colonial construct and a confederation of ethnic nations. Kenya is a typical manifestation of the consequences resulting from the imperialistic tendencies of the colonialists that were characterized by drawing up of the artificial boundaries.

These artificial boundaries were effectively used to implement the divide and rule strategy fashioned by the colonialists. The boundaries served to determine the geographical map of a country (determine identity of a country) and for proper internal governance by creating administrative units such as districts and provinces based on ethnic identity.

During the era of the struggle for independence, the emancipation for political, economic and social liberty was first driven by tribal interests before the eventual synergization of efforts by the genuine independence heroes/heroines and turn-coats labeled as founding fathers.

Since the dawn of independence, each critical juncture in the Republic’s history has been characterized by negative ethnic interests that have proved to be destructive. From Jomo Kenyatta’s administration to the Uhuru Kenyatta-led administration through Moi’s and Kibaki’s governments, the challenges have centred on political exclusion and economic marginalization of ethnic communities.

Origins of political exclusion and economic marginalization are fundamentally informed by the struggle for the coveted crown of the presidency and the need to protect it. The attainance of political power in Kenya is inherently an epochal moment to perfectly execute the “our time to eat” mantra.

The “our time to eat” syndrome has occasioned Kenya’s four presidents to gladly embrace tribalism with the formation of governments that are not ethnically inclusive. It is this disease and unparalleled stupidity that has fuelled the thoughts and acts of self-determination with calls for secession.

Historical Analysis

The aspirations of secessionism are not new in Kenya. Between 1963 and 1967, the Shifta War was a consequence of the calls for secession by the inhabitants of the then Northern Frontier District that covered the present Wajir, Mandera, Garissa, Moyale, Isiolo and Marsabit counties.

This act of self-determination was championed by the Northern Province People’s Progressive Party and executed by the militant Northern Frontier District Liberation Movement. The people of the Northern Frontier nation, being ethnically homogeneous, desired to re-unite with the then Somali Republic following the nationalist aspiration of forming a Greater Somalia.

Creation of the Northern Frontier District was an effect of colonialism with this region carved out for the British (British Somaliland) while the rest was recognized as Italian Somaliland.

Jomo Kenyatta’s administration did not hesitate to suppress the insurgents. What followed was the heightened suspicion of the region’s inhabitants in government quarters with various strategies mooted to check on any incident that would have triggered another uprising.

It was during Daniel arap Moi’s regime that the government’s harbored suspicions generated into genocidal attempts with massacres at Turbi, Malka Marri, and Garissa with the worst of them all being the horrific Wagalla Massacre. Attempts by the people of Northern Kenya to secede prompted the government to segregate them politically and economically until a glimmer of hope was presented by devolution.

In 1998, the then Official Leader of the Opposition and head of the Democratic Party (DP) Mwai Kibaki, and MPs Kihika Kimani of Molo Constituency and David Mwenje of Embakasi advocated for the secession of the Gikuyu-Embu-Meru nation.

They alleged that the members of the Agikuyu ethnic community were being targeted by the state in what they termed as ethnic cleansing. They rallied for the creation of a state that would comprise of Nakuru, Laikipia, Embu, Meru, Nyeri, Kirinyaga, Kiambu, Murang’a and Nairobi counties.

The dissenting voices of Mwai Kibaki and majority of the Agikuyu were based on the prevailing emotions of the time and was also the apogee of the frustrations they harbored following the ascendancy of Arap Moi to the presidency in 1978, the attempted coup of 1982 and the re-introduction of multi-party politics in 1991.

Prior to 1978, a series of campaigns and initiatives were launched to prevent Moi from succeeding Kenyatta. In 1982, Charles Njonjo was apparently organizing for a parallel coup which forced Moi to re-organize his Kitchen Cabinet and government. Just before and after the re-introduction of multi-partyism, most of the Agikuyu leaders resigned from Moi’s administration and joined other political parties with Jomo Kenyatta’s administration oligarchs coalescing around the Kibaki-led Democratic Party.

These events prompted Arap Moi to keep the Agikuyu community on the fringes of political power whose finality elicited the calls for self-determination. However, the secessionist voices flickered out.

Come 2003, the then KANU orphans largely drawn from the Kalenjin community and led by one William Ruto (Deputy President) called for the creation of the Rift Valley state. Their secessionism aspirations were anchored on the operations of the Kibaki-led administration which intended to reclaim all the public property that KANU and Moi had looted.

Ruto and his orphaned comrades alleged that President Kibaki hounded out members of the Kalenjin community from government. There might be an element of truth in these allegations bearing in mind Moi’s political machinations against the leading figures of the Agikuyu community during his presidency until the formation of the government of national unity in 2005 when Kibaki appointed some KANU MPs as Cabinet ministers.

From 2005 to 2008, the activities of the dreaded Sabaot Land Defence Forces (SLDF) leaned towards the creation of an independent state far from its main objective of fighting for land rights and injustice. SLDF was a well-organized militia group that operated in Mount Elgon region but sought to capture, control and claim swaths of land in Bungoma and Trans Nzoia counties.

2007 after the disputed and rigged presidential elections, Najib Balala (currently Cabinet Secretary in charge of Tourism) then member of ODM’s Pentagon and Coastal region point man called for secession.

In 2012, the Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) famed for its slogan Pwani Si Kenya, pushed for the secession of the Coastal region due to economic and political marginalization of the region since independence. The case was dismissed by the court.

2017 Secession Calls

The current debate on whether Kenya should disintegrate into two or more states is healthy and welcome. The secession talk ostensibly triggered by the straight-shooting economist and indefatigable public intellectual Dr. David Ndii is a perfect opportunity to have constructive conversations on Kenya’s political system.

As usual, cheap talk, blunt banter, hubris and emotionally-charged discussions edging on animus have taken centre-stage. For a prosperous Kenya, the dissenting voices resulting from the disenchantment, dissatisfaction and disappointment with the electoral process and political marginalization should not be ignored.

In one of his articles published in March 2016 by the Daily Nation, Ndii proposed the divorce of Project Kenya which he termed as a cruel marriage. Recently, he drafted a petition seeking to raise 15 million signatures to push for a secession referendum. The fundamental issues that the petition is based include a culture of rigged elections, economic marginalization and extra-judicial killings.

As to whether the presidential election was free, fair and credible is a matter to be determined by the Supreme Court. But the underlying factor fueling the calls for secession is the dominance of the presidency by the Agikuyu and Kalenjin ethnic communities since independence. This is a fundamental issue that needs to be addressed and solved by a nuanced approach involving constitutional amendments.

Viable Options

Structurally, Kenya’s politics is based on ethnic numbers. To solve this and to possibly eliminate the cases of political exclusion and the doctrine of the tyranny of numbers, hallmark changes need to made to the Constitution. For eternal political prosperity, the Republic should adopt a political system that is not highly polarizing and one whose effects on the economy are not pronounced.

We need to re-consider the adoption of a Parliamentary system of government. This involves the selection of the head of government basing on the Parliamentary majority of political parties. This system will strengthen the political parties, do away with the periodical ethnic censuses in form of elections and significantly reduce the pressure on the economy common in electioneering periods.

Another option is to consider the institutionalization of a rotational presidency. This ought to factor in all the communities basing on the former provinces. Most critically, we should also think around the Electoral College model as recently proposed by Okiya Omtata.

Secessionism, in Kenya’s case, will be a very costly exercise and experience both economically and emotionally. This is the moment for political redemption and salvation by making changes to the Constitution.

Any attempt to thwart constitutional changes will generate frustrations in the near future in case the tyranny of numbers shifts to other formidable, ethnic-based political formations. Short-termism must be avoided in the secessionism discourse but debate on the issue should neither be suppressed nor dismissed.

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Of the Wagging Tail & Kenya’s Food Politics

By Sitati Wasilwa

For the common folk and the underclass of Kenya’s populace, their lives have literally been thrown into chaos following the on-going increase in prices of some of the commodities that are largely consumed by the households.

The continuous rise in the prices of such commodities is said to be as a result of a number of factors depending on which side of the political divide you associate with and how knowledgeable you are as far as understanding the Kenyan economy is concerned.

Of course most of the supporters of the current regime and the not-so-insightful individuals relate the price increases to the perceived ‘natural’ forces of demand and supply backing up their arguments with explanations of how the market is adjusting itself naturally to the prevailing economic conditions.

On the other hand, the associates of the other side of the political divide and a good number of Kenyans hold the view that perhaps the upward spiral of prices is the outcome of the activities propelled by the robber barons and a systemic failure of the current administration to fulfill its promise of lowering the cost of living for the majority of the Kenyans.

As to whether both political camps are correct or not, is for you to figure out as each is in the business of justifying its rhetoric with ‘facts’ with the end being to gain political mileage. The political class is part of the economic chaos and this will be evident later on in this article. With economic insight, it cannot be disputed whatsoever that the forces of demand and supply are responsible for the current increase in prices of some of the basic commodities.

The crux of the matter, however, is the exact nature of these perceived forces of demand and supply in view of the continuous rise in the prices of commodities. Are the forces truly natural as posited by one school of thought as highlighted in the previous paragraph? Or are the forces largely artificial?

With the acknowledgement that depressed rainfall levels in 2016 led to a significant decline in the total yield of maize, sugarcane, rice and wheat, economic wisdom dictates and extensively reveals that the current situation is largely a creation of the proprietors and rent-seekers of the underworld economy. These are the robber barons and the cartels that are alive in the country.

In the world, the activities and operations of any society, polity or economy are under the control of the cartels and the interest groups irrespective of whether an entity cherishes and embraces the ideals of capitalism, the values of socialism or a hodge-podge of the two systems.

In his book, Naked Economics, Charles Wheelan an economist and public policy analyst likens the operations of the cartels and interest groups in an economy to the tail wagging the dog. Yes, the tail wagging the dog and not the dog wagging the tail. This illustrates just how powerful the cartels are and such is the case in Kenya.

The presence and vibrancy of the cartels in the economy is a strong indication of market failure which calls for government intervention in the economy especially in the production and distribution of the basic commodities including food.

A holistic look at the Kenyan price conundrum leaves a lot to be desired in the general management of the economy and most importantly the implementation of the relevant and existing economic and/or agricultural policies.

Reflecting on the maize and sugar “shortage” in the country, a number of fundamental questions and concerns need to be posed and raised at the same time: how effectively and efficiently are the existing agricultural policies being implemented? Is it possible that the political leadership in Kenya tends to ignore the advice given by government agencies as part of the mitigation measures? How efficient is the absorption of funds set aside for the food security programmes and projects? In what way do the cartels outsmart the political leadership? Or is the political leadership in Kenya a conduit for the cartels?

At the inception of the Jubilee administration in March 2013, promises were firmly made on how Kenya would be the foremost food secure country not just in the Eastern African region but the entire continent of Africa.

It was on the basis of these promises that the idea of irrigating one million acres of arable land was mooted and conceptualized with the outcome being the Galana-Kulalu Food Security Project. Over Kshs.10 billion have been allocated to this project over the last four years but the trickle-down effect is yet to be witnessed by majority of the Kenyans.

The below par performance of the Galana-Kulalu Food Security Project is majorly due to two main factors: there is a high possibility that the feasibility studies conducted to ascertain the viability of the Galana-Kulalu project were poorly done at the expense of gaining political capital; secondly, the funds allocated each financial year towards the financing of the project are poorly absorbed due to financial bureaucracy and corruption.

Kenya prides herself in being the most advanced economy in the Eastern Africa region but in a country where affordability of the basic commodities is a preserve of the haves illustrates just how cards are being shuffled under the table.

Maize is Kenya’s staple food and any right-thinking citizen would expect that the political leadership would rise to the occasion to cushion the average Kenyan against any shortage that might be experienced.

Towards the end of 2016, the National Drought Management Authority (NDMA) issued early warnings on the La Nina effects responsible for the depressed rainfall experienced in most parts of the country. The Executive and Parliament responded by stating that the necessary measures have been put in place to ensure that there is a constant supply of maize. This is hence a situation that the political leadership was well aware of not now but last year.

It is from such information from the NDMA and other agencies that the cartels began positioning themselves strategically; they hatched schemes to create an artificial shortage of maize.

In fact, having known that last year’s total production of maize fell in the country from 43 million bags to around 37 million bags, the cartels were smiling all the way as opportunities to import maize were in the offing.

It should be noted that Kenya has over the years been importing maize and maize flour from countries such as Uganda, Tanzania and even at one time from Malawi. Acknowledging the principle and concept of comparative advantage in trade between nations, it is comical for a country like Kenya that has a high agricultural potential to be importing a food crop like maize.

Fast forward, the ‘shortage’ of maize apparently forced the government to import maize and this came after the tax exemptions on maize and wheat imports as per the Budget Policy Statement presented by the Cabinet Secretary of The National Treasury in the National Assembly in March this year.

Conflicting reports have been issued by some of the senior government officials on just who is importing the maize and the point of origin of the imported maize. Initially, reports issued by the government stated that maize was to be imported from Mexico with the importing entity solely being the government.

Later on, it emerged that the maize was to be imported from South Africa by three private companies. Conflicting information and communication is a strong indicator that perhaps things are not adding up and it is from such that you can be able to detect the machinations of the cartels. As a matter of fact, the consignment of maize that has just been imported was apparently ordered late last year by the importing firms.

Turning to sugar, savage politics and economics shaped by the cartels continue to haunt this industry. At the moment, a 2 kg packet of sugar retails at approximately Kshs.400. Still there are some people who believe that the natural forces of demand and supply are fully responsible for the current shortage!

The discipline of Economics, however, gives leverage to individuals to present different arguments and belong to different schools of thought hence the commonality of the phrase “on the other hand…” In August 2015, there was a heated debate around the country following the deal signed between the current administration and the Ugandan government to import sugar from Uganda.

Kenya’s demand for sugar exceeds the local supply and this necessitates the importation of sugar but the supply deficit has never been chronic.  How then is it possible that most of the sugar companies excluding Butali Sugar Mills and West Kenya have been closed for regular maintenance? If so, then what informs such action that is devoid of any form or kind of strategic thinking? Let’s forget about the regular maintenance stuff because it has been happening year in year out. This is the strong hand of the cartels busy at controlling the economy.

The poor performance of the sugar-milling factories seems to be more of a political issue than an economic issue. The sugar industry has been politicized resulting in vague resuscitation programmes such as the common bail-outs from the national government. The sugar industry is under the manacles of the cartels and the latter strongly dictate which sugar-milling company is to be bailed out or not.

Fundamentally, the current economic chaos that is yet to morph into an economic crisis is as a result of an inconsistent political leadership. A consistent political leadership, both at the National Assembly and the Executive, would ensure that the formulated agricultural/economic policies such as the Agricultural Sector Development Strategy and Vision 2030 are implemented as expected and would also viciously fight the cartels.

Politicians and other experts should not be talking about seeking for long-term solutions because there are existing economic blueprints whose implementation is erratic and inconsistent. The cartels in the Kenyan economy fashion the vicious circle of poverty and are sworn enemies of the ideal virtuous circle of prosperity. The tail (cartels) has successfully wagged the dog (Kenya).

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Kenya’s Policy Dilemma in Perspective

By Sitati Wasilwa

If nearly all the socio-economic policies that have been formulated in Kenya since 1963 were to be fully implemented, there is no doubt that this country’s economy would feature among the newly industrialized economies not just in Africa but in the whole world.

The implementation of these policies would have translated to low levels of poverty in the country, enough food for all Kenyans, a vibrant manufacturing sector, a high number of formal job opportunities, a better healthcare system, a highly developed transport system, proper access to clean water among other positives that are associated with an economy that is undergoing structural transformation.

In evaluating and reviewing a good number of these policies, there is a consistent feature that clearly defines the policy process/cycle in the country; the aspect of policy dilemma. The policy process involves several stages with the most pronounced phases being policy formulation and policy implementation. The formulation of socio-economic and/or public policies involves the input of the various stakeholders and the implementation phase largely depends on the rate of efficiency of the government- ministries, agencies, state departments and institutions.

Policy dilemma, in this case, refers to how magnificent policies are formulated but implemented in a flawed and inconsistent manner. This has led to the recurrence of the socio-economic challenges/problems that bedevil the country creating a developmental scenario of making three steps ahead and five steps backwards. With reference to this, it is not a surprise that some of the challenges that faced the nation in the 70s, 80s and 90s have never been amicably solved.

Take for instance Kenya’s first comprehensive development blueprint, Sessional Paper No.10 of 1965: African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya. This policy document highlighted the course of action that was to be followed to steer the country’s nascent economy with the public sector and the private sector playing an important role in its implementation. Three challenges were to be solved by this policy; poverty, disease and ignorance implying on a large-scale that all Kenyans were to have access to affordable healthcare and education as well as better living standards. Several gains were made but its implementation was thwarted along the way by both internal and external forces.

Women fetching water from a river in Kenya.Photo: Courtesy

The current water shortage problem experienced in the country would be non-existent if most of the water policies that have been formulated over time were effectively implemented. The most notable policy initiative to solve the problem of access to clean and available water can be traced to 1974. During this year, there was the formulation and subsequent launch of the National Water Master Plan Initiative whose slogan was: Water for All by the Year 2000. The implementation of this policy never came to fruition.

In 1986, another policy paper was drafted; Sessional Paper No.1 of 1986 on Economic Management for Renewed Growth. This policy paper incorporated the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and it was formulated following the conditions issued by the Bretton Woods institutions (World Bank & IMF) on the supposed economic restructuring the government was to adopt in return for financial assistance from these institutions.

This policy document addressed the following: market liberalization, reduced role of the state in the economy, deregulation and privatization of some of the state-owned enterprises. Since this policy was recommended by the Bretton Woods institutions, the government implemented nearly every bit of it and the outcomes were not pleasing at all; it did more harm than good. This was because its recommendations were based on the model of the USA economy and not on the local conditions that were prevalent in Kenya’s economy.

A Sessional Paper on the Micro and Small-scale Enterprises (MSEs) was formulated in 1992. The objective of this policy document was to transform the MSEs by institutionalizing a high degree of formality in them as a larger percentage were operating informally in the agricultural sector. The agricultural sector at that time contributed approximately 30% of the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and most of the Kenyans depended directly and indirectly on the sector for their source of livelihood.

What could be the scenario in case the Sessional Paper on the MSEs was fully implemented? A strong foundation for the manufacturing sector would be created as a result of the establishment of the agro-based industries, food production would have certainly increased hence making the country to be food secure, a high number of formal employment opportunities would have been created among many others.

A policy framework for achieving industrialization by the year 2020 was developed in 1996 specifically known as Sessional Paper No.2 of 1996; Industrial Transformation to the Year 2020. The overarching objective of this policy paper was to develop a vibrant manufacturing sector in the country that would have enabled Kenya to be a newly industrializing economy.

The entrance to Kenya’s Export Processing Zone at Athi River.Photo: Courtesy

The implementation of this policy framework was flawed largely due to the inherent institutional weaknesses and structural inconsistencies which some are in-built in the policy itself and others being explicit to the policy. Its total implementation, with the rectification of its weaknesses, would have steered the economy’s trajectory to be defined in terms of the structural transformation.

With the institutionalization of the NARC administration in 2003, great attention was paid in reviving the country’s economy. To actualize this, a policy paper was formulated; the Economic Recovery Strategy for Wealth and Employment Creation (ERS) for the period 2003 to 2007. This policy document envisaged an economic growth rate of 7% upon the completion of the five year period in which it was to be implemented. In 2007, the country’s economy grew by 7% a clear indication that this policy framework was effectively implemented.

As the period of time for the implementation of the ERS was elapsing, the Sessional Paper No.10 of 2012 on Kenya’s Vision 2030 was designed. The main objective of the Vision 2030 is to transform the country into a middle-income economy by largely investing in the manufacturing sector and key infrastructural projects. The implementation of the Vision 2030 was to occur in phases denoted as the Medium-Term Plans (MTPs). The first MTP covered the period from 2008 to 2012, the second MTP from 2013 to 2017 and so on.

In as much as some significant progress is taking place especially in the construction of infrastructural projects, certain fundamentals have been ignored, for instance, the government hasn’t been largely committed to heavily invest in the manufacturing sector. Achieving the objectives of Vision 2030 remains a mirage considering how its implementation process is being executed.

Inconsistent & Flawed Implementation

Both internal and external forces have contributed to the failure of the holistic implementation of the policy frameworks formulated since independence. The major cause of the failure to fully implement these policy documents is the lack of a committed political leadership. The country’s political leadership has always focused on enriching itself at the expense of steering the country’s economy. Politics plays a crucial role in the implementation of the policy frameworks. All the administrations that have existed in Kenya starting from Jomo Kenyatta’s era have been rocked with massive corruption. However, Kibaki’s administration was more serious when it came to the implementation of national development blueprints compared to the others.

The urge to implement the policy proposals advocated by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund without subjecting them to scrutiny has in one way led to the flawed implementation of such policies. Normally, the policies championed by the Bretton Woods institutions are ignorant of the prevailing circumstances in the developing economies and they are formulated in accordance with the model of the economy of the United States of America. These are two different and primarily distinct economic models. The challenge is the readiness to embrace the policy proposals of the Bretton Woods institutions and disregard the locally formulated ones.

An in-built weakness could also be responsible for the flawed implementation of the policy frameworks. It is highly possible that the formulation phase is executed with so many assumptions and errors. Definitely, the problem of insufficient data comes into play causing the data collection phase to majorly rely on guesswork creating a situation that is different from the reality on the ground. This ultimately leads to a disconnect between the formulation and implementation phases of the policy frameworks.

The implementation phase of the policy process is crucial and the failure to effectively execute it will not create the desired socio-economic transformation. Politics plays a significant role in this phase hence the need to have a visionary political leadership in place. Kenya’s lack of a visionary leadership coupled with the challenges of inadequate data and the pressure from the Bretton Woods institutions have collectively hindered the country from fully implementing the various policy frameworks, some of which I have highlighted in this article. With proper implementation of the policies there is no doubt that most of the recurring problems in the country will be fully solved.

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What of The Northern Frontier and The ASALs?

Fifty one years after Kenya attained her independence, the inequality gap is widening at an alarming rate. These inequality is manifested in various facets which including income inequality, gender inequality and even regional inequality. This article reflects on the arid and semi-arid lands (ASALs), an analysis of the country’s regional inequality.

The ASALs cover a very wide geographical area cutting across Turkana County through West Pokot County, Baringo, Isiolo, Marsabit, Samburu, Wajir, Mandera, Garissa, Tana River and parts of Kitui and Taita Taveta Counties. All these counties face the same or similar challenges

A distinct geographical map, aggregating all these counties can be curved out from the map of Kenya.

Immediately after independence, the Jomo Kenyatta administration was faced with the secession challenge in the Northern Frontier region. The secession was propagated by Somalis seeking to reunite with Somalia. A consequential effect was the Shifta War that began in 1963 and eventually suppressed in 1967.

The Kenyatta and Moi administrations hardly initiated tangible efforts that would lead to the socio-economic transformation of the Northern Frontier region. Perhaps they were probably meting out some form of punishment to the daring secessionists.

There is no doubt that the region is backward in terms of infrastructural development. For instance, it was until 2014 that the first ever tarmac road was constructed in Mandera County.

Notably so, the ASALs face a number of challenges such as:

· Insecurity incidences such as banditry.

· Inadequate health facilities.

· Poor and dilapidated infrastructure.

· Very low levels and rates of school attendance.

· High incidences of hunger and famine.

Sessional Paper Number 10 of 1965, African Socialism and Its Application to Planning in Kenya, envisioned an equal Kenyan society irrespective of ethnic or regional orientation.

The Moi and Kenyatta regimes failed to promote holistic development and were instead driven by politics of greed.

Low population has played a significant role in the economic backwardness of the ASALs. The politics of numbers has not been favourable to the residents of such areas hence the neglect by politicians.

Therefore, reformation of the political institutions is imperative and devolution is a good example.

However, the national government should still take the lead in promoting regional balanced development initiatives.

In conclusion, the realization of the overall socio-economic growth and development for Kenya will remain a pipe-dream unless the challenges of the ASALs are fully addressed. Devolution should be the launch pad for addressing the challenges in the ASALs.

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Moving Africa Forward: Understanding the Challenges From Within

By Sitati Wasilwa

The 21st century has been touted as the century in which Africa is expected to register resounding growth politically, socially and economically.

Africa progress generally depends on how its overall growth and development would be transformative and inclusive. Moving Africa forward calls for revisiting the available opportunities in the continent, reviewing the existential challenges as well as threats.

Africa is undoubtedly well-endowed with natural resources. But majority of Africans are yet to benefit from the immense resource endowment.

Fundamentally, Africa is yet to fully maximize her cultural diversity. Instead, most Africans use the continent’s cultural diversity to fuel negative thoughts, beliefs and attitudes. A good example of this is negative ethnicity common among many African nations and states.

Wrong institutions and/or weak institutions are a major impediment towards Africa’s prosperity. Strong institutions would go a long way in furthering the continent’s long-term prosperity. Common challenges in Africa such famine, hunger, diseases, negative ethnicity, poor governance, poor infrastructure and many others would be effectively addressed with strong institutions in place.

Though significant progress has been made in regards to good governance in Africa, more needs to be done.

To improve the state of governance in Africa, the following should be adhered to: public participation especially in decision-making; application of the rule of law; transparency in governance processes and institutions; responsiveness whereby existing institutions serve people within a reasonable time frame; consensus building; equity; effectiveness and efficiency in achieving results aided by the institutions; accountability; a strategic vision on promotion of good governance and human development.

African governments ought to largely invest in both physical and social infrastructure: good roads, airports, efficient sea ports, electricity generation and distribution, properly built and well equipped health facilities, a reliable education sector among others.

Cases of famine and hunger simply imply that Africa still faces the challenge of food insecurity. A country that cannot adequately feed its people cannot effectively develop. Assurance of food security will help to cut off reliance on food aid which has often times jeopardized running of the affairs of most African governments.

Nevertheless, terrorist groups in some parts of Africa are a major hindrance in realization of notable development. In West Africa, especially in Nigeria and now Cameroon, the Boko Haram threat is evident. In the Horn of Africa, the Al Shabaab threat is still present. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the dangers posed by the several rebel groups can clearly be seen. To move Africa forward such groups need to be decapitated to allow for normalcy and stability. A comprehensive security approach ought to be put in place to address the  security threats occasioned by the terrorist and rebel groups.

In conclusion, the bottlenecks limiting Africa to consistently move forward are basically poor governance, insecurity, low infrastructural investment and food insecurity. To move Africa forward, understanding the problems and the challenges from within is very crucial to institutionalize effective mitigation measures.

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Contextualizing Kenya’s Agricultural Sector Development Strategy

By Sitati Wasilwa

Over the years, the agricultural sector has been the leading sector in Kenya’s economy. Several agricultural policies have been formulated accelerate growth in the sector. Some of the noticeable policies include the Strategy for Revitalizing Agriculture of 2004 and Vision 2030. The Agricultural Sector Development Strategy was formulated to cover the period 2010 to 2020.

The main objective of Vision 2030 is to enable Kenya attain the middle-income status. In this particular development blueprint, the manufacturing sector is anticipated to be the leading sector. However, it is impossible to have a strong manufacturing and industrial base if a strong foundation for the agricultural sector is not established. It should be noted that agriculture contributes directly 26% of the Gross Domestic Product and about 25% of GDP indirectly. It also accounts for 65% of Kenya’s total exports and more than 70% of employment opportunities in rural areas.

In promoting robust growth in the agricultural sector, the government of the day and the would be successive governments need to pay attention to certain fundamental aspects. The starting point is by ensuring that budgetary allocation for the sector is increased not marginally but substantially. Kenya’s allocation to the agricultural sector in the national budget can be termed as meager considering that it is below 10% of the total national budget.

Budgetary allocations to the sector have to be aligned with the Maputo Declaration on Agriculture and Food Security of 2003 formulated under the auspices of the African Union. This declaration sought to compel the African governments to at least have 10% of their total national budgets going towards the agricultural sector.

To establish a vibrant manufacturing sector in Kenya, it is vital to develop agro-based industries. Agro-based industries will create linkages necessary for growth and development of other modern industries.

Effective training, research and development programmes are necessary for a vibrant agricultural sector. This can be done by thoroughly equipping the existing agricultural institutions in view of the curricula and programmes, and the usage of the latest but appropriate technology in training manpower. It is common nowadays to find some regions lacking field officers attending to the needs of the farmers. This situation has created a gap that has consequently led to low production and poor quality agricultural produce.

In addition, genetically modified and engineered organisms need to be introduced if we are yearning to increase levels of production and enhance food security. Genetically modified crops mature faster and have high yields thus leading to food security and high surplus.

Injecting efficiency in the agricultural state corporations is a key aspect towards achieving goals outlined of the Agricultural Sector Development Strategy. Most of these corporations have been affected by the maladministration. A general and thorough audit of these firms needs to be carried out to determine the various strategies to be used to resuscitate them.

To increase market surplus, small holder farmers need to access agricultural credit very easily and cheaply. Banks and other financial institutions need to reduce their conditionalities on loans and other inputs they offer farmers. This will increase the capital base of the farmers and with proper management there will be high yields. A lot of emphasis should be laid on the small holder farmers as they form the largest proportion of farmers nationwide.

Furthermore, reducing reliance on rain-fed agriculture is another vital aspect which the policy document under review addresses. This implies that a lot of irrigation needs to be done. The present government has made a significant step towards allocating some funds towards several irrigation projects notably the A Million Acre Scheme in order to promote food security. However, the government needs to be at the fore-front to ensure that the aquifers in Turkana County are drilled for water for irrigation to be easily available. Also other arid and semi-arid lands(ASALs) should also be effectively utilized in agricultural terms through the practical use of technology and irrigation.

The bottom line for actualization of the Agricultural Sector Development Strategy would be to focus on increasing  the budgetary allocation towards the sector. Without having enough finances, then implementing all the other strategies put in place to improve the sector would remain a pipe dream.

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The African Renaissance: A Far-Fetched Dream?

By Sitati Wasilwa

The dawn of the 21st century was touted as Africa’s century considering the continent’s recent socio-economic and political performance. A number of gains have been realized in view of Africa’s recent economic growth which is currently rated stands at an average of 5% per year. However, the realization of the African Dream is still far-fetched with regards to various challenges and threats eclipsing Africa.

The clamor-for-independence period in the late 1950s, 1960s and even 1970s ushered an era of hope with the independence leaders charting a clear socio-economic and political paths aimed at addressing challenges such as poverty. Despite the high levels of of optimism at independence, the envisaged development cutting across the social, political and economic spectra remain a pipe-dream especially for the average citizens.

Africans need to realize Africa’s fate and destiny is in their hands. Africa is highly endowed with resources, but with a poor post-independence development track record except for few countries. So, where did the rain start beating us? Well, certain problems, most of which are internal, have over the years dragged Africa behind.

Good governance has eluded most of the African states. Poor governance is an existential challenge in the Africa is evident through the weak political leadership, weak institutions and rampant corruption.

Corruption in Africa remains a major stumbling towards realization of social, economic and political progress. It is impossible to eradicate poverty with systemic corruption. Addressing corruption would indeed be a formidable step in realization of the African Renaissance in the 21st century.

Weak institutions are a feature of governance systems and structures of African states. Anti-corruption institutions, security institutions,  administrative institutions and others need to be strengthened . Therefore, to keep the African Dream on course, having strong governance institutions is inevitable.

An existential threat to realization of the African Dream is food insecurity. Being food secure as a continent will catapult a more than automatic socio-economic development. Food security would lead to a healthier population, surplus production thus boosting trade, reduction on over-reliance on donor aid, establishment of agro-based industries and creation of employment opportunities.

Volatile political environments and insecurity continue pose a great threat to the realization of the African Dream. Activities of militia groups and more recently terror groups hinder social, economic and political development. Run-away insecurity jeopardizes economic progress.

For the 21st century to truly belong to Africa, improving governance, tackling food insecurity and administrative security is imperative. But these must also be backed up by effective political leadership.

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Rethinking Kenya’s Economic Growth and Development Trajectory

By Sitati Wasilwa

The harsh reality is that most of the problems Kenya faces today are not different from the challenges witnessed at the dawn of independence. This is a reaffirmation of the need to relook, rethink, restructure and even reposition the various policies and institutions established to promote economic growth and development.

Methinks we’ve failed to inculcate a political leadership that prioritizes broad-based economic growth and development. Kenya political is in dire need of political leadership if we are to draw parallels between Kenya and some Asian economic powerhouses. For instance, 50 years ago, Kenya’s per capita income wa $440 while Singapore’s stood at $180. Today, our per capita income is $1800 compared to Singapore’s $59800.

The poor leadership exhibited by our politicians is characterized by too much politicking. Kenyan politicians worry so much about consolidating political power at the expense of promoting a better economy that works for the many.

Kenya’s economic growth and development trajectory has been paralyzed by corruption. The failure to combat corruption is an indication of the failure of the country’s political leadership to have an economy that fairly works for all. As long as corruption is not tackled, we shall forever oscillate at the same point and attaining our economic goals will remain a mirage.

Furthermore, 51 years after gaining independence, our exports are majorly primary goods. Over 50 years of independence is a long period of time to export value-added commodities. How did China, South Korea, Japan, Thailand etc start exporting manufactured goods? These countries offer insightful lessons for Kenya to pick up and invent its own unique model that will enable exportation of value-added commodities.

A key element of progressive economic growth and development is food security. The perennial hunger and famine strikes need to be permanently addressed. Drought, hunger and famine incidences drain significant amounts of capital which would otherwise be utilized to facilitate growth in other sectors.

The various development plans need to be thoroughly scrutinized. Vision 2030, for instance, is highly ambitious but will not be fully implemented due to weak political leadership. Development planning is good subject to political goodwill. Additionally, the national and county governments development blueprints should not trigger high taxation, and the presence of so many white elephant projects.

In conclusion, Kenya’s growth and development trajectory is marred with insanity as things are done the same way with high expectations to get different results. Kenya needs a visionary political leadership to ensure that the growth and development of the economy promotes inclusivity.

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Kenya’s Scorecard In Attaining Millennium Development Goals

By Sitati Wasilwa

The MDGs are to be attained by the year 2015 as outlined in the Millennium Declaration launched in 2000 at the United Nations General Assembly in New York. Kenya as a country participated in drafting of the Declaration and committed herself to achieve the highlighted objectives. As a country, we have made significant steps in attaining the MDGs. However, due to various externalities coupled with poor governance, the attainment of some MDGs still remains a mirage.

On the first MDG, eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, past governments and the government of the day have done little to attain this goal. Year in year out, the ASAL regions are affected by widespread hunger which has often led to starvation and death. The perennial hunger problem is arguably used as bait by politicians to gain political mileage at the expense of poor Kenyans. Irrigation initiative programmes if not backed by effective political goodwill will hardly be implemented. However,the recent launch of the One Million Acre Scheme initiated by Uhuru Kenyatta’s administration is a good move towards solving the problem of hunger only if corruption will not boggle it down. On poverty,we are not doing well either. Recent World Bank statistics point out that 45.9% of Kenyans are living below the poverty line. This is contrary to the 25% which is to attained by 2015 according to the MDGs. This clearly indicates that the gap between the rich and the poor is still very wide. Score: 3/10.

As a country, we have done well in terms of achieving universal primary education which is the second MDG. I give much credit to former President Mwai Kibaki whose brain child,the Free Primary Education(FPE)  programme has really been the major driving force towards achieving this goal. However, various bottlenecks under this goal include insufficient human capital (teachers), and shortage of basic facilities and equipment such as books, good classrooms etc. The successive governments should thus ensure the enlisted challenges among others are properly addressed. Score: 7.5/10.

The third MDG seeks to promote gender equality and empower women. Kenya has performed averagely in terms of reducing gender disparity at primary, secondary and tertiary levels of education. More so, the ratio of literate females to males has significantly improved. This is effectively backed by the Constitution Chapter 4, Article 27 and Clause 3 on the a third gender rule. There has also been a marked increase in the number of seats held by women in Parliament at the national and county levels. This has been aided by the Constitution which allowed the for provision of 47 positions of Women Representatives. A descent number of women has been elected and nominated to Parliament. However, we are still yet to see an elected woman Senator and Governor. Score: 6.5/10.

The other MDG is the reduction  of child mortality rate (CMR). This is an area we are doing badly. In East Africa, we are only better than Burundi whose CMR is at 104/1000 compared to Kenya’s 73/1000 according to UNICEF’s September 2013 report. Uganda’s CMR is at 69/1000,Rwanda 55/1000 and Tanzania 54/1000. However, this is a reduction from 115/1000in 2003 according to the Kenya Demographic and Health Survey. This high CMR implies that deaths of children under 5 years are due to diseases such as pneumonia,malaria and diarrhea especially in the marginalised areas and regions. The Ministry of Health,to be specific,has a lot to do to lower this rate. Score: 3.5/10.

MDG 5 is concerned with the improvement in maternal health. Kenya’s Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR) by 2003 (KDHS), was at 414/100000. The year 2010, our MMR was at 488 deaths/100000 live births. However, the initiative by the Jubilee administration to offer free maternal healthcare is a positive move that demographic experts have already noted will significantly reduce the MMR. Rural folks, however, still find it quite challenging to access better maternal care because of poor roads to access the health centres. This calls for improvement in the state of the rural access roads and also the establishment of health centres in each ward countrywide. This is attainable since the health is a devolved function as per the Fourth Schedule on the Distribution of Functions between The National and County Governments.

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The Impeachment Foolhardy: MCAs vs Governors

By Sitati Wasilwa

Promulgation of the Constitution in August 27th 2010 signified a new era of hope especially with regards to devolution.

Initially, drafting of the current Constitution clearly set the academic threshold for one to be a Member of County Assembly. Unfortunately, the academic qualifications were expunged setting up ground for unintelligent political engagements pitting the MCAs and the Governors.

As a matter of fact, this is now proving to be futile if the wave of initiating and executing impeachments is anything to go by. MCAs in Embu, Kericho, Baringo and Elgeyo Marakwet counties have made serious attempts to impeach Governors.

Fundamentally, MCAs are without doubt infatuated with power. Giving too much power to uneducated and functionally literate politicians is a faux pas in realizing socio-economic development. On various occasions, majority of the MCAs have indicated their little understanding of the Standing Orders. The level of education largely determines the quality of assembly debates and policymaking.

More importantly, we should not forget about Governors and county executives who misuse funds. Well, corruption has been a juggernaut in Kenya since independence and devolution has created opportunities for individuals to hastily accumulate wealth.

If a county government department has been hit by corruption , the executive member in charge should be held responsible. This is because impeaching a Governor would have a severe implication on nearly every  aspect and functioning of county governments. Imagine if the MPs could be executing impeachments against the President, one after another?

My point of view is that the MCAs should blow the whistle, gather the evidence, inform the necessary authorities and let the courts of law do their work. In addition, MCAs  should prioritise their debates and have constructive engagements to benefit the citizenry and MUST abandon the politics of witch-hunting.

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